‘The very fact that the Danes gained not only an ascendancy in many parts of England during the Anglo-Saxon dynasties but even the government of them all, is a proof that they were at that period a race of individuals superior to the natives of the land… These people formed a striking contrast to the oppressed race of the Anglo-Saxons.’ S. W. Partington.
‘Vikings had a profound impact on the history of the English-speaking people. In the period from the first recorded raids in the late eighth century, until the conquest of England by Knútr in 1016, the political geography, culture, and identities of the Anglo-Saxons were transformed.’ Clare Downham.
The arrival of the ‘Great Heathen Army’ in East Anglia in 865 was the start of the Scandinavian settlement of England. We know a good deal about the leaders of this army and of the battles between them and the English kings in the years and decades to come. We also know something of how the Danelaw came into existence, as well as the relations of these Northmen with the Irish, the Northumbrians, the Picts and the Cumbrians (the Strathclyde British). Yet where did the Great Army originally come from? The sources we have are few, but, I think, they do allow us to propose the view that the Great Army of 865 came originally from Frisia and indeed probably from the important viking base on the island of Walcheren at the mouth of the River Scheldt in what is now the Netherlands.
Although Scandinavian ‘Vikings’ had first appeared in the British Isles, including Ireland, in the late eighth and early ninth centuries, the Scandinavian settlement of England didn’t really start in earnest until the arrival of the ‘Great Heathen Army’ in the east of England in 865. Before this the Northmen had already made several major raids on England, for example the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for the year 840 says that King Æthelwulf of Wessex was defeated at Carhampton in Somerset after 35 viking ships had landed in the area:
A.D. 840. This year King Æthelwulf fought at Charmouth with thirty-five ship’s-crews, and the Danes remained masters of the place. The Emperor Louis died this year.
The Frankish Annals of St. Bertin reported the same incident but under the year 844: ‘The Northmen launched a major attack on the island of Britain. After a battle lasting three days, the Northmen emerged the winners – plundering, looting, slaughtering everywhere. They wielded power over the land at will.’ Despite this, when the Scandinavians returned again in force in 851 the king of Wessex, Æthelwulf, together with his sons Æthelbald and Æthelstan, was able to secure rare victories:
A.D. 851. This year Alderman Ceorl, with the men of Devonshire, fought the heathen army at Wemburg, and after making great slaughter obtained the victory. The same year King Athelstan and Alderman Elchere (Ealhhere) fought in their ships, and slew a large army at Sandwich in Kent, taking nine ships and dispersing the rest. The heathens now for the first time remained over winter in the Isle of Thanet. The same year came three hundred and fifty ships into the mouth of the Thames; the crew of which went upon land, and stormed Canterbury and London; putting to flight Beorhtwulf, king of the Mercians, with his army; and then marched southward over the Thames into Surrey. Here Æthelwulf and his son Æthelbald, at the head of the West-Saxon army, fought with them at Ockley, and made the greatest slaughter of the heathen army that we have ever heard reported to this present day. There also they obtained the victory.
The English naval victory at Sandwich was described by Sir Frank Stenton as ‘the first naval battle in recorded English history’. ‘Ealhhere’s death in battle against Vikings is recorded c. 853. Æthelstan is not mentioned after 851 and presumably died before Æthelwulf went to Rome in 855 as he was not included in arrangements for government of the kingdom during his father’s absence.’
The Scandinavians attacked Winchester in 860. Then it wasn’t until 865 that they once more appeared in force in England, and this time they came to stay. The entries in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle for 865 to 867 read:
A.D. 865. This year sat the heathen army in the isle of Thanet, and made peace with the men of Kent, who promised money therewith; but under the security of peace, and the promise of money, the army in the night stole up the country, and overran all Kent eastward.
A.D. 866. This year Ethelred, brother of Ethelbert, took to the West-Saxon government; and the same year came a large heathen army into England, and fixed their winter-quarters in East Anglia, where they were soon horsed; and the inhabitants made peace with them.
A.D. 867. This year the army went from the East-Angles over the mouth of the Humber to the Northumbrians, as far as York. And there was much dissension in that nation among themselves; they had deposed their king Osbert, and had admitted Aella, who had no natural claim. Late in the year, however, they returned to their allegiance, and they were now fighting against the common enemy; having collected a vast force, with which they fought the army at York; and breaking open the town, some of them entered in. Then was there an immense slaughter of the Northumbrians, some within and some without; and both the kings were slain on the spot. The survivors made peace with the army… 
All this is reasonably well known, at least to those who take an interest in such things. It was the Great Army which appeared in 865 that was the spearhead of the establishment of major Scandinavian settlements in eastern and northern England, later generally called the Danelaw, but also in Lancashire and Cumbria, areas often not designated as part of the Danelaw. These Scandinavians broke the power of the Anglian/English kingdom of Northumbria and very nearly destroyed Wessex too. For decades to come kings of Wessex, such as Alfred ‘the Great’ and his descendants, were constantly preoccupied with fighting off the ‘Danes’, and it was not until nearly a hundred years later that they succeeded (at least for a time) in nullifying the Scandinavian threat. The Scots, Welsh and Cumbrians (the Strathclyde British) also had to deal with them as best they could.
But who were the leaders of these Scandinavian armies? And, perhaps more contentiously, where had these Scandinavians originally come from? I will try to answer these questions without resort to later Norse Sagas telling of ‘Ívarr the Boneless’ and his supposed father Ragnarr Loðbrók (Hairy-Breeches), fascinating though they undoubtedly are.
The leaders of the Great Heathen Army
Regarding the first question, there is quite an abundance of near contemporary and later evidence that a chieftain called Ívarr and some of his brothers were the leaders of the Great Heathen Army of 865 and were still important in subsequent years. Ívarr and his brothers were the leaders of a group of Scandinavians who first appeared in Ireland in 851 or slightly before. They were referred to in Irish sources and in some Welsh and English sources as the Dubgaill, or ‘dark foreigners’, to differentiate them from earlier Scandinavians settlers in Ireland called the Finngaill, or ‘fair foreigners’. The Annals of Ulster tell us that the leaders of the Dubgaill were Ívarr and his ‘associates’ (actually brothers) Óláfr, Asl and Hálfdan. Ívarr’s descendants were to go on to create a powerful dynasty of ‘Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland’, as extensively described by Clare Downham in her authoritative book of this name. We know much about the activities of brothers Óláfr, Ívarr and Asl in Britain and Ireland from 853 onwards. But eventually, as Downham says:
Ívarr travelled to East Anglia in 865 as part of the “great army”.
The late tenth-century Chronicle of Athelweard is unequivocal about this; it says that ‘the fleets of the tyrant Ívarr (Iguuar)’ arrived from the north. In discussing the martyrdom of the East Anglian king Edmund, Abbo of Fleury (d. 1004) wrote that Ívarr and Ubba were the leaders of the Scandinavian army: ‘Eventually it happened that the Danes came with a ship-army, harrying and slaying widely throughout the land, as is their custom. In the fleet were the foremost chieftains Ivar and Ubbi, united through the devil.’
The Anglo Saxon Chronicle for the year 878 mentions the defeat of ‘the brother of Ingwaer (Ívarr) and Healfdene (Hálfdan)’ in Devon. This brother was probably Ubbi/Ubba, but the entry also confirms that Hálfdan and Ívarr were brothers. Marios Costambeys in her biography of Ívarr writes: ‘As well as Hálfdan, text F of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle names Ubba along with Ívarr as heading the army in East Anglia, and the life of St Oswald by Byrhtferth (fl. c.986–c.1016) records that Oswald’s grandfather had come to England from Scandinavia in the army led by Huba and Hinwaer.’
According to Simeon of Durham’s History of the Church of Durham, admittedly a late and sometimes unreliable source, the army was made up of ‘people from all quarters, that is to say, of the Danes and Frisians, and other pagan nations, who arrived here in an immense fleet, under their kings and dukes, Halfdene, Inguar, Hubba, Beicsecg, Guthrun, Oscytell, Amund, Sidroc and another duke of the same name, Osbern, Frana, and Harold.’ Note the ‘Frisians’ here.
Although much more could be, and has been, discussed regarding the leadership and deeds of the Great Army of 865, as well as their subsequent fate, I think enough has been said to establish the near certainty that among its leaders were Ívarr and some of his brothers. It was in fact, to use the words of Clare Downham, ‘a family enterprise’. Most historians agree. Alex Wolf in From Pictland to Alba 789-1070 says that Ívarr ‘seems to have led the force from at least 856 following the death of their leader Horm in a failed invasion of Anglesey’. Robert Ferguson says the Great Army was ‘under the command of brothers named Halfdan and Ingvar’ 
Summing up Marios Costambeys says:
On the assumption that these sources are correct in identifying this Ívarr as a leader of the great army, his movements can be traced through the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle’s record of the progress of the army through England. After wintering in East Anglia from autumn 865, the army moved to York, which it took on 1 November 866. A Northumbrian attempt to retake the city was repelled and the Northumbrian kings Osberht and Ælle killed on 21 March 867. The vikings established Ecgberht as their puppet king in the north before moving, in the autumn of 867, to Nottingham in Mercia. The army returned to York in 868, staying for a year before crossing Mercia to Thetford in East Anglia. At this point they engaged the East Angles, killing their king Edmund (d. 869).
Where had this Scandinavian Great Army originally come from?
There is much legendary information regarding where Ívarr and his family may have originally come from. For example, according to thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Norse sagas Ívarr was ‘Ívarr the Boneless’, the son of the legendary king Ragnarr Loðbrók. These fascinating sagas about Ragnarr Loðbrók and his sons are unfortunately outside the scope of this essay. Clare Downham says simply that ‘none of these accounts is credible’. She adds: ‘While medieval writers seem to have been as interested as modern historians about Ívarr’s origins, it is perhaps wiser to accept that we do not know what these really were.’ This is of course worthy and understandable scholarly caution, but maybe we can suggest something more.
Alex Woolf has highlighted the fact that in chapters 10 and 14 of the Historia de sancto Cuthberto, an early eleventh century compilation possibly based on earlier sources, there are two references to Ubba, ‘an associate, and (according to Geoffrey Gaimer) brother, of Ívarr, as dux of the Frisians’.
Chapter 10: For Ubba dux of the Frisians, with a great army of Danes, came into the kingdom and on Palm Sunday approached the city.
Chapter 14: The army which Ubba dux of the Frisians and Healfdene King of the Danes had led into England divided into three parts; one rebuilt the city of York, cultivated the surrounding land and stayed there.
One of the unfortunate tendencies of modern historiography is that events tend to become geographically compartmentalized. Some English historians of the Viking Age tend not to comment on events outside England. Where they do fully take account of information from Ireland, Scotland and Wales, then the concentration is still on Britain and Ireland and events around the Irish Sea. French historians show a similar tendency when things happen outside the Frankish empire. But the early viking raids and settlements in Europe were all related in some way, they were not separate national events. Large viking fleets and armies were expensive and rare things. There were arguably never more than two significant Scandinavian fleets in existence at any one time, and this certainly includes the mid-800s. This is one reason why I believe that Alex Woolf is probably right when he suggests a strong connection between Ívarr and his family and Frisia. Regarding the Great Army Woolf says:
It is now generally agreed that they arrived in Britain directly from Ireland where Ívarr, the senior partner by 865, had been active for at least a decade.
Having discussed the ‘Black Gentiles’ (or ‘Black Foreigners’) in Ireland, led by Ívarr and his putative brother Óláfr, Woolf goes in to say:
It seems likely the Black Gentiles approached Ireland around the southern end of Britain and they may have been a portion of the Danish force described as assaulting Frisia in the Annals of St Bertin under the year 850, and perhaps even the same portion of that fleet, comprising 350 ships, which entered the Thames early in 851, sacking Canterbury and London and defeating Beorhtwulf of Mercia in pitched battle before being defeated in turn by the West Saxon Æthelwulf and Æthelbald.
He adds that ‘the suspicion that the great army was in origin a portion of the force Rorik led to Frisia in 850’ finds support in the two mentions of Ubba in the Historia de Sancto Cuthberto referred to above.
I find this reasoning compelling. Simon Coupland has analysed who was involved in Frisia at the time, and where, in his excellent article From poachers to gamekeepers: Scandinavian warlords and Carolingian kings; readers are encouraged to consult this work. Regarding Woolf’s suggestion that Ívarr and his kinsmen might have come from Frisia, and might indeed have been the vikings who appeared in the Thames in the year 851, this gains strong circumstantial support from the generally reliable Frankish Annals of St Bertin, which under the year 850 say:
Hárekr, king of the Norsemen, was attacked by two members of his family and war ensued. They were induced to make peace by a partition of the realm. Hrœrekr, the nephew of Haraldr, who had recently defected from Lothar, raised whole armies of Norsemen with a vast number of ships and laid waste Frisia and the island of Betuwe and other places in that neighbourhood by sailing up the Rhine and the Waal. Lothar, since he could not crush him, received him into his allegiance and granted him Dorestad and other counties. Another band of Norsemen plundered the inhabitants of Mempisc, Thérouanne and other coastal districts, while yet others attacked the island of Britain and the English but they were beaten by the English with the aid of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Note the final sentence says that ‘while yet others attacked the island of Britain and the English but they were beaten by the English with the aid of our Lord Jesus Christ.’
The attack up the Thames in 851 was the only appearance of Scandinavians in Britain in this or indeed the previous year; it is pretty obviously the attack referred to in the Annals of St Bertin. The attack was indeed ‘beaten by the English’. As we have seen, the Anglo Saxon Chronicle reported for 851: ‘The same year came three hundred and fifty ships into the mouth of the Thames…. the West-Saxon army fought with them at Ockley, and made the greatest slaughter of the heathen army that we have ever heard reported to this present day. There also they obtained the victory.’
Some additional, though not critical, support for the view that the Scandinavians who arrived in the Thames in 851 came from Frisia is the name Scaldingi. As Alex Woolf says, the name Scaldingi probably means people of the Scald, i.e. the region of the River Scheldt in Frisia. It is the name given three times in the Historia de sancto Cuthberto when referring to the leaders of to the Great Army, Hálfdan and Ívarr. For example: ‘Scaldingi venirent in Anglicam terram dederunt Ceolvulfus rex et episcopus Esred… ‘
I will quote Alex Woolf’s conjecture in full:
It is possible that we should imagine Ubba as coming directly from Frisia to join his ’Irish’ kinsmen in England. The term Scalding, used in several places in the Historia as the descriptor for what the Chronicle calls mycel here, ‘the Great Army’, seems to mean ‘people from the River Scheldt’. This river is called Scald in Old English and Old East Flemish, and Scaldis in Latin, and may indicate that, within Frisia, Ubba came specifically from the island of Walcheren which lies in the mouth of the Scheldt. Walcheren was occupied by Danes for much of the ninth century, following the Frankish King Lothar’s grant of the island to the exiled Danish Prince Harold in 841. Lothar’s intention was that Harold would act as a poacher come gamekeeper and defend the coast against other Scandinavian raiders. If this identification of the Great Army is correct then it suggests that the core of the ‘Black Gentile’ force had left the Scheldt fourteen years before arriving in England and there is little evidence that they would make any attempt to settle down for a further decade. If they were indeed part of Harold’s settlement on the Scheldt then they had left Denmark nearly a quarter of a century before arriving in England. Many of them had presumably been born in Frisia. If this is the case then these ‘Danes’ had been cohabiting with Christians speaking a West Germanic dialect almost identical to Old English for a very long time. This may explain, in part, their skill at playing the system. The settlement on Walcheren survived, in one form or another, until about 915.
Now the mention of ‘Belgian Vikings’ is a little anachronistic as ‘Belgium’ didn’t really exist until 1830. Although Walcheren is certainly ‘Frisian’ it is now located in the Netherlands. Yet the island of Walcheren and Frisia in general were without any doubt pivotal places for the Scandinavians at this time. Walcheren was for a long time perhaps the most important base and lair for Scandinavian fleets and armies along the North Sea coast.
The equation of Scaldingi with Danes from the river and estuary of the Scheldt (where Walcheren is situated) was proposed by Felix Lieberman in 1925 and is based, in part, on an entry in the Annals of Lindisfarne for 911 referring to the viking Rollo taking possession of Normandy: ‘Scaldi Rollo duce possident Normanniam.’ This reading has not been uncontested. An alternative view sees Scaldi and Scaldingi as being derived from a hypothesized (and unrecorded) ninth-century Old Norse word *skealdur meaning ‘shieldmen’. Roberta Frank says: ‘We can be fairly confident that Scaldingi means Scyldingas “shieldmen” or “descendants of Scyld” and not “men of the Scheldt… “’ 
I find this stretching onomastics a little too far, but it could be true. In addition, calling only this one group of vikings ‘shieldmen’ makes no historical sense – the Anglo-Saxons and Celts had shields too, why were the vikings’ shields different enough for them to bestow a name on the warriors themselves?
As Alex Woolf says, the River Scheldt ‘is called Scald in Old English and Old East Flemish, and Scaldis in Latin’. In addition, the author of the Historia de sancto Cuthberto, whether Simeon of Durham or not,uses Scaldingi only when referring to Hálfdan and his brother Ívarr, elsewhere when he talks of the vikings he never uses this word.
Even if Scaldingi doesn’t mean ‘people from the River Scheldt’, the fact that Ubba was a ‘duke’ of the Frisians strongly implies that he had come with his fleet from Frisia, and also in all likelihood from the viking base on the island of Walcheren. If Ívarr, Óláfr, Hálfdan and Asl were his brothers, as our sources strongly suggest they were, then the Great Army of 865 was indeed a ‘family enterprise’ as Clare Downham puts it. This would imply that Ívarr, Óláfr and Asl, the ‘three kings of the foreigners’ whose activities are repeatedly recorded from 853 onwards in the Irish chronicles, had originally come from Frisia. If they really were the leaders of that part of the Frisian-based viking fleet that the Annals of St Bertin and The Anglo Saxon Chronicle tell us arrived in the Thames in 851 then, as Alex Woolf suggests, it is more than likely that following their defeat at the hands of King Æthelwulf and his son Æthelbald they moved on to Ireland, and from there ‘The Dynasty of Ívarr’ spread.
The timing of this move from the Thames to Ireland makes sense. Clare Downham writes:
Then in 851 a band of ‘Dark Foreigners’ arrived in Dublin and inflicted a great slaughter on the ‘Far Foreigners’… In 852, the ‘dark foreigners’ defeated the ‘fair foreigners’ in battle at Carlingford Lough. Then in 853 Óláfr son of the king of Laithlinn arrived in Ireland, and the vikings in Ireland submitted to him. This Óláfr was a kinsman, and perhaps more specifically a brother, of Ívarr.
As Óláfr arrived in Ireland in 853 then the dark foreigners who had come two years before in 851 might have been led by Ívarr and/or possibly his brothers Asl and Hálfdan. We don’t know the brothers’ respective ages, but certainly Ívarr and Óláfr, the ‘son of the king of Laithlinn’, were the senior family partners in the years to come.
Actually the Scandinavian arrivals in Dublin of 851 and 853 weren’t the first time these foreigners had appeared in Ireland. In 848, a viking leader called Tomrar/Thorir ‘was slain in battle in Leinster’. He was said to be a deputy or heir of the king of Laithlinn and was thus linked in some way with Óláfr, ‘the son of the king of Laithlinn’, who came in 853.
In summary, if all this conjecture is true then the proximate origin of Ívarr’s dynasty, which played such an important role in Ireland and Britain for the next hundred years, was Frisia, and in all likelihood they had arrived from the important viking base on the island of Walcheren. Many other viking raiders in Europe at the time set out from here too; to give just one example, the Annals of Fulda tell of what became of another part of the Frisian fleet that split in 850:
The Norsemen under their leader Guðröðr came up the Seine and plundered Charles’s kingdom. Lothar was called to help with their expulsion, and thought that he was to come with his men to fight, but Charles changed his plan secretly, received Guðröðr with his men into the alliance of his kingdom and gave them land to live on. Lothar, seeing that his coming was pointless, returned to his own lands.
Danish or Norwegian?
I don’t want to get into the hoary question of which of the vikings who came to England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland were ‘Danish’ and which were ‘Norwegian’. At the time we are talking about terms such as ‘Nordmanni’ (Northmen) and ‘Danes’ were often (but not always) used pretty much interchangeably by both English and Frankish chroniclers. In Ireland the old identification of Dubgaill (dark/black foreigners) as Danish and the earlier Finngaill (fair/white foreigners’) as Norwegians is no longer supported by most historians; ‘new’ and ‘old’ now being the preferred interpretations.
In the first half of the ninth century Norway didn’t really exist as a political entity and the area of Vik around the Oslo Fjord was for a long time part of the kingdom of Denmark. As the Danish historian Else Roesdahl, among others, has shown, viking fleets and armies were very often ‘multinational’ in their composition. This is not to deny that many of the Scandinavians who raided and settled in the British isles, particularly in the early years and particularly in Ireland and Scotland, came from the south-west coast of what is now Norway, but if the proximate origin of Ívarr’s ‘family enterprise’ was Frisia, as suggested here, then it is clear that his dynasty and the initial Scandinavian settlement of England was primarily a Danish affair because the Vikings in Frisia were most likely ‘Danes’ – but included no doubt important elements from the Vik area of Norway, from where some suggest we get the word Viking.
Notes and references:
 S. W. Partington, The Danes in Lancashire and Yorkshire, London 1909, pp. 3 & 89.
 Clare Downham, Vikings in England to A.D. 1016, in Stefan Brink, The Viking World, 2011.
 Of course the Frisian Vikings originally came from Scandinavia, from Denmark, but maybe including some from the Vik/Westfold area of present-day Norway.
 Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, Vol 1, ad 500-1042, London 1979.
 Janet Nelson, The Annals of St. Bertin, Manchester 1991.
 Whitelock, op. cit.
 Frank Stenton, Anglo Saxon England, 3rd ed., 2001.
 Simon Keynes & Michael Lapidge, eds. Alfred the Great: Asser’s Life of King Alfred & Other Contemporary Sources, 1983, pp. 69, 231-2, 235.
 Whitelock, op. cit.
 See for example: Rory McTurk, Studies in Ragnars saga loðbrókar and Its Major Scandinavian Analogues, Medium Aevum Monographs 15, Oxford, 1991.
 Clare Downham, Viking Kings of Britain and Ireland. The Dynasty of Ívarr to A.D. 1014, 2007.
 Downham, op. cit.
 Downham, op. cit.
 Æthelweard, Chronicon, ed. and tr. Alistair Campbell, The Chronicle of Æthelweard, London, 1961.
 Abbo of Fleury, Life of St. Edmund, King of East Anglia before 870, Anglo-Saxon version in Sweet’s Anglo-Saxon Primer, 9th edn. (Oxford, 1961), pp. 81-87, trans. K. Cutler.
 Whitelock, op. cit.
 Marios Costambeys, ‘Ívarr (d. 873)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004
 The Church Historians of England – The Historical Works of Simeon of Durham, Vol. 111 – Part 11, trans. Joseph Stevenson, 1855, p. 654.
 Woolf, op. cit, p. 73.
 Robert Ferguson, The Hammer and the Cross, A New History of the Vikings, London, 2009, p. 135.
 Costambeys, op.cit.
 Ben Waggoner, The Sagas of Ragnar Lodbrok, 2009..
 Downham, op.cit. .
 Downham, op.cit..
 Ted Johnson South, Historia de sancto Cuthberto, A History of Saint Cuthbert and Record of His Patrimony, Cambridge, 2002.
 Alex Woolf, From Pictland to Alba 789-1070, 2007, p.72.
 Quoted in Woolf, op.cit.
 Downham suggests that Óláfr was the senior.
 Woolf, op. cit..
 Simon Coupland, From poachers to gamekeepers: Scandinavian warlords and Carolingian kings, Early Medieval Europe, Vol 7 No 1, Oxford, 1998.
 Nelson, op. cit.
 Johnson South, op. cit.
 Woolf, op. cit.,
 Felix Lieberman, Die Name Scaldi fuer Daenen, Archiv 148, 1925.
 Annales Lindisfarnenses, ed. G. Pertz, MGH SS79, Leipzig, 1925, p. 506.
 Roberta Frank, Skaldic Verse and the date of Beowulf, p..127, in The Dating of Beowulf, ed. Colin Chase, Toronto, 1997.
 In addition, the fact the later Viking and then Anglo-Saxon members of the Byzantine Varangian guard were often referred to as ‘axe-bearing’ barbarians doesn’t in my view make the ‘shieldmen’ derivation any more convincing. Of course this derivation of Scaldingi is also based on a later (c. 1200) legendary name given to the supposed founder of Ívarr’s dynasty, Skjoldr (OE Scyld), by Saxo Grammaticus in his ‘Danish History’.
 Downham, op.cit.
 The later Norse Sagas tell us more about this.
 Downham, op.cit.
 The Annals of Fulda. Ninth-century Histories 2, trans. and annotated by Timothy Reuter, Manchester Medieval Sources series, Manchester, 1991.
 See: Clare Downham, Viking identities in Ireland: it’s not all black and white, Medieval Dublin vol 11, pp. 185-201, 2011.
 For example see: Downham, op.cit; Woolf, op.cit.
 Else Roesdahl, The Vikings, 1998.